My article is a synthetic recognition of macro-Polish governments’ evolution over 25 years of political transformation. It is presented from the perspective of education for democracy, in a democracy and not about democracy. I explain, how it is possible, that the Poles after they got rid of monistic doctrine of the totalitarian state, are subjected to hidden process of democratization of education and the school system. I analyze public education ,mechanisms and structures for its management in a way that counteracts democratic change. The school is subjected to a mechanism of political gamemakers. It becomes an institution which is painfully ineffective and without its face. This institution devastates traditions and allows intellectual regression. There are threats to educational reforms which lie not only in the sociopolitical mechanisms, but also and perhaps primarily within the education system, which has not created procedures to eliminate Pharisees of innovation from it. Polish educational system after 25 years of transformation is not only partially reprivatized but highly bureaucratic and fully involved in political parties.
A draft of the changes to the Polish Academy of Sciences is presented, which will increase its prestige and make better use of the scientific potential of the members of the Academy and the employees of its institutes. The proposed regulations will allow for a comprehensive activation of potential of both institutes and corporate members. The aim of reform is to make the PAS an attractive scientific institution with a focus on the pursuit of fundamental research at the highest level, and to recognize that understanding and clarification of the problem must precede possible applications.
The present paper discusses the new Polish law on higher education in the context of the contrasted global and academic paradigms of university funding, governance, and organization. Its point of departure is the advent of international comparative data in higher education, the measurability of individuals, academic units and institutions in terms of research output, and the emergence of a new social contract between the state and universities. The key concepts used to evaluate the new law are competition in science, academic income structure and academic knowledge production structure, internationalists and locals in science, and vertical differentiation in national higher education systems. The new law is assessed in the context of the original reform proposal suggested by the national team of experts led by the present author and its long-term strategic choices are discussed in more detail, including a changing system of institutional evaluation, a revised system of academic degrees, and new excellence-focused national funding schemes.