This is the article about political issues in education. The aim of the text is to present the relations between politics and education. I try to find answer to question: what is the essence of politics of education? I claim that education is inherently political. Every dimension and form of educational practice are politically contested spaces. I try to show that politics in education is a very important part of democracy in education. Democracy is impossible without politics and politics is impossible without democracy. So, I focus on describing possible political areas in education. The paper presents results of these relations. I also try to convince the reader that it is possible (it is necessary) to create important, interesting thinking about education from political point of view.
State Urban Policy – concept, Institutional scope and structure in integrative management of the development. The management of space, as a common good, closely linked with economic and social development in Poland – meets a number of barriers. One of the major barriers is flawed and inefficient system of spatial planning and the lack of explicit national urban policy. The causes of this situation are manifold and complex. There is a week understanding that spatial planning has regulatory function and that is a main measure of intervention in inefficient – by its nature – market mechanism of real estate development and location of new construction objects. The existing in Poland since 2015 formal document under the title “National City Policy” is in fact the part of cohesion policy. It formulates only very soft policy recommendations concerning spatial development which are identified in different cities and their functional areas, whereas financial measures go separately through sectoral programs. In the article author consider the future place of national urban policy in integrative system of development policy which combine economic, social and build environmental dimensions. Than he analyzes the relationship between national spatial policy and the urban polices at the national and local level. Finally he presents some general conclusions and recommendations. According to the author, because of complexity of the issues and challenges, the detailed formulation of state urban policies and its implementation must lie within the competence of a strong governmental institution (responsible for research, monitoring and evaluation, elaboration of visions and scenarios in a broad global context). The primary partner in the state urban policy, co-responsible for its success, should be adequately, provincial and local governments. Through the cooperation of state and territorial authorities, is the most strongly manifested multilevel model of “public governance”. The special role belongs to the local authorities due to their assigned competence in creation of local by law in respect of land use and building allocation. Efficient urban policy must have two dimensions; horizontal and territorial. Horizontal domain should belong to the state (national planning, passing the law, systemic intervention, etc.). Territorial dimension should belong first of all to local urban policies but formulated and implemented within the framework and measures defined by national spatial policy and operational state urban policies.
Freedom of research is one of the fundamental principles upon which the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) was founded. Its scope is defined by the limitations imposed by relevant legal rules. They provide among other for prohibition of scientific investigation of military character and declare that no activities — including research — shall constitute a basis for territorial claims in Antarctica. Of particular importance are limitation;' imposed on freedom of research for the benefit of environmental protection. But, contrary to some views, most scholars consider that the freedom of research and the protection of the environment and ecosystems in Antarctica are equally important principles central to the whole ATS. They are inter-dependent and neither one should be attributed priority over the other. In the best interest of science, Antarctic research needs to be controlled to the necessary minimum of environmental impact and risk.
The article provides a general overview of environmental protection and conservation practice in the Antarctic Treaty area, with special reference to the stipulations of the 1991 Protocol on Environmental Protection and its Annexes.
Attitudes, or a person’s internal/mental beliefs about a specific situation, object or concept can greatly influence behaviors. This truth also applies to linguistic choices made by second language students. Their low level of knowledge of cross-cultural differences as well as pragmatic competence intertwined with inner norms and attitude towards politeness can result in producing the discourse which could not be considered appropriate. The fact of using and learning a second language (being bilingual or multilingual) may influence the level of politeness. The aim of this paper is to illustrate the differences existing in the scope of politeness revealed in the written, contrastive (Polish-English) discourse. The corpus under investigation encompasses seventy six emails written in the two languages by English philology students of teachers faculty. The analysis focuses on the level of politeness as exhibited through various forms of hedges and mitigations used both in the Polish and English language.
Prof. Mirosław Kofta, a psychologist from the University of Warsaw’s Faculty of Psychology and Institute for Social Studies, discusses political change in Poland, authoritarian personality, and civil society.
“Isolation would be most unfortunate. We would be doing science in our own company, completely indifferent to what is happening outside our own universe. This would be totally self-destructive and I hope it will never happen,” says Professor Michał Głowiński in an interview with Grzegorz Wołowiec, titled “A Time Unexpected,” a fragment of which is presented below.
Ice constitutes physically, but not legally, a separate element of polar regions, alongside with land, water and air. Lack of clear legal regulations in this respect compells the practitioners to apply often inadequate analogies. The specific status of polar permanent and floating ice calls for urgent and comprehensive legal regulation under general international law, the law of the sea and the law of polar regions, on the ground of the principle of Arctic sectors in the Northern Hemisphere and the Antarctic Treaty System in the Southern Hemisphere, with reference to the relatively rich legal doctrine, discussed in detail below.
In contrast to Antarctica, the Arctic was for a long time deprived of an adequate system of multilateral international scientific cooperation. That gap was filled in 1990 by the foundation of a non-governmental International Arctic Science Committee (IASC). In this article, the origin, structure, operation and perspectives of that Committee are presented.
“We can see that all the recent predictions of a better future for the world are largely misguided. It is no longer certain even that the Cold War is definitively a thing of the past,” says Jerzy Szacki, a historian of ideas and sociologist, a professor emeritus of the University of Warsaw, and an ordinary member of the Polish Academy of Sciences.
In the 21th century we can observe a return to Marx, particularly in the circles of New Left. A critical approach to the legacy of Karl Marx implies a readiness to revise or even reject the false or no longer valid propositions of Marx in order to be able to confront his legacy with the current state of contemporary science. Some of his views have already been definitely rejected (particularly the theory of revolution and of the dictatorship of proletariat). But a part of his contribution remains valid: (1) the philosophy of praxis, i.e. a theory oriented toward a social change, and (2) the sociological theory that interprets politics in terms of class interests.
In this article, Svalbard was presented as place and object of intensive scientific research, carried on under the rule of the 1920 Spitsbergen Treaty, which has transformed the archipelago into a unique political and legal entity, having no counterpart anywhere else in the world. Scientific activities in Svalbard are carried out within an uncommon legal framework, shaped by a body of instruments both of international law and domestic laws of Norway, as well as other countries concerned, while the Spitsbergen Treaty, in despite of its advanced age of 75 years, still remains a workable international instrument, fundamental to the maintenance of law and order within the whole Arctic region. In 1995 two important for Svalbard anniversaries were noted: on 9 February, 75 years of the signing of the Spitsbegren Treaty and on 14 August, 70 years of the Norwegian rule over the archipelago.
The article is a brief presentation of the relationship between the politics of memory and Facebook. This type of connection advantages aestheticism, pictures and emotional infl uence but discounts traditional instruments modelling collective memory. The article focuses on the answer to the question of how a popular culture aesthetic infi ltrates and changes the politics of memory.
The study consists of three parts. The first comprises the characteristic features of social politics strategy. They include the basic assumptions and functions of the social politics strategy in the field of the development of education and aid activities at the level of local units of territorial authorities. The essence of the study is the second part. It consists of the own research results – an analysis of the aims and tasks associated with inclusive education (also with preparing local communities for creating inclusive culture), comprised in strategies. The whole is completed with final conclusions. The study is aimed at the qualitative analysis of the development strategy of 17 communes (3900 pages of documents) as regards the issues of disability. The research interest was to find out whether the slogans promoting the equal access to education, elimination of barriers and preparing mainstream schools and local community for inclusive culture had been reflected in any way in the social politics strategies of local authorities – in the documents which, at least in the assumptions, constitute the starting point for generating good practices, also in the field of social support and education for disabled learners.
Urban social movements present themselves as an answer to de3 ciencies of local politics. In this way, they situate themselves in agreement with popular diagnoses of crisis of democracy, and propose their own model of involvement in politics. However, is this model a chance for renewal of democracy, or is it just another version of politics understood as an enlightened management? Does it have the potential for broadening the political, or does it stop halfway? Presented article is an attempt in rethinking those questions. First part compares different political languages, in which critiques of contemporary democracy are formulated. Subsequently, Jacques Rancière’s conception is presented, as emphasising egalitarian and emancipatory dimensions of democracy. Examples of rhetorics and actions of urban social movements are considered in this double context of different political languages and radical character of democracy. The problem of ‘deficient political articulation’, which makes urban social movements unable to fully keep the promises they make, is stressed.
The article presents the problem of colonial and postcolonial discourse in relation to Eastern Galicia. It discusses the forms of cultural domination existing throughout history in the region and draws attention to their conscious “playing” by successive rulers of this territory, consequently leading to the formation of memory conflicts.
Realised since the 1980’s, the project of the “city rebuilding” presupposes an environmental turn in city reform programmes and policies. & e purpose of this article is to demonstrate, how the agenda of the Country’s City Politics is being inspired by, and assimilates, the ideas of “being together” that have been worked out by city (social) movements. The society has come to be perceived as a source of “innovation”, or as possessing a certain, so far neglected, potential of development. In the governmental agendas, the ideals and claims of the social movements are operationalised” in such a way, as to identify society as a new resource of economic growth. The assimilation of the claims and ideals of the city movements into the governmental agendas becomes part of a new political rationality.
The paper describes the political use of symbols of childhood and orphanhood in the current policy of the Russian authorities. At the beginning of the Bolshevik regime, homeless children (bezprizorni) became a subject of interest for the security apparatus organized by F. Dzerzhinsky. At that time, A. Makarenko developed his innovative pedagogical approach. These activities were designed to create a “new Soviet man”. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia again faced the problem of homeless children. After several years, however, children and orphans are now being used as a symbol of vulnerability in the government policy of the Kremlin. As an answer to the so-called “Magnitsky Act”, the Russian authorities implemented the “DimaYakovlev law” prohibiting adoptions of Russian children to the United States. In addition to this, the child as a symbol of innocence and vulnerability is an invariant element in the policy of the Russian authorities. This combines symbolism associated with bravery, dedication and sacrifice, allowing justification of the current political course of power in Russia.
Progress was an ideological concept in the political movements of the 19th century. This article asks how the women’s movements argued withthe concept of progress in a region which had been considered as backward since its establishment as the Habsburg part of partitioned Poland. The analysis focuses on how the political movements in 19th-century Galicia took advantage of the topoi of backwardness and progress, using them as rhetorical elements. Examples are taken from the Ukrainian women’s movement and women’s politics in the Zionist movement.
This article is a contribution to the history of underground Polish press in 1939–1945. It is concerned with the main problems discussed in the periodical Jutro Polski. Biuletyn Informacyjny [ Poland’s Tomorrow: Information Bulletin] issued by the Democratic Party — The Rectangle. Published two-three times a week over the period 1940–1942, it informed its readers about the situation at the battle fronts, the latest in international politics and current events in Poland; it also featured articles debating the problem of Poland’s post-war political system.
The article outlines the conceptual assumptions of pedagogy underlying university education, re-defined with regard to the dynamic conditions underlying contemporary culture. The authors concentrate on constitutive educational forms that define the nature of semiosis in education, as well as their exposure and transformation. In connection with this, there is a focus on the concept of “symbolic politics”, which aims to liberalize the practice of pedagogy, freeing it from the dictatorship of a transmission form of education, as well as creating conditions for strengthening discursive relationships and a reflexive discursive attitude. As a result of the implementation of this form of symbolic politics, those involved in education do not promote the prevailing discourse but become agents capable of discursive reflection in action as well as participants in processes of discursive design and creation.
Wolność i Lud [ Freedom and the People] was the press organ of the agrarian People’s Party Freedom (SL-W) published in London in 1948–1949 and 1953–1954. The periodical, which eventually appeared at monthly intervals, propagated the key ideas of the political programme of the SW-L, kept track of the life of the Polish émigré community and commented on world affairs. It provided regular coverage of the developments in Poland, especially with regard to in agriculture, social transformation processes and culture.
This is an analysis of the commentaries published in the Polish press in the wake of the celebrations of the 60th Anniversary of the World War II Victory Day in Moscow in 2005. In Poland these commemorations triggered a live debate which focused on the future of Polish-Russian relations, Russia’s strategic goals on the international scene, the Polish Eastern policy and the uses of history as a tool of state policy.